Home  ›  This Is a Means by Which Shamans or Mediums "Read" the Wishes of the Ancestors or Spirits:

This Is a Means by Which Shamans or Mediums "Read" the Wishes of the Ancestors or Spirits:

Written By Thursday 3 March 2022 Add Comment Edit

Folk Faith of the Korean Peninsula

Korean shamanism or Korean folk religion is an animistic indigenous faith of Korea which dates back to prehistory[i] and consists of the worship of gods (신 southwardhin) and ancestors (조상 josang) besides as nature spirits.[2] Hanja: 巫俗 ; musog or musok), the term Muism (Hangul: 무속신앙 ; musok shinang) is likewise used.[three] [4] Korean shamanism has been influenced by Taoism, Buddhism and Confucianism.

The general word for "shaman" in Korean is mu (Hangul: 무, Hanja: 巫).[1] In contemporary terminology, they are called mudang (무당, 巫堂) if female person or baksu if male person, although other terms are used locally.[3] [note 1] The Korean word mu is synonymous of the Chinese word wu 巫, which defines both male person and female person shamans.[7] The role of the mudang is to act every bit intermediary between the spirits or gods and humanity in order to solve hitches in the development of life, through the exercise of gut rituals.[8]

Central to Korean shamanism is the belief in many different gods, supernatural beings and ancestor worship.[9] The mu are described as chosen persons.[10] (come across: Korean mythology)

Korean shamanism has influenced some Korean new religions, such as Cheondoism and Jeungsanism, and some Christian churches in Korea make use of practices rooted in shamanism.[eleven]

The mythology of Korean shamanism is orally recited during gut rituals. In Jeju, these are called bon-puri.

Terminology [edit]

Names of the religion [edit]

Besides "Muism", other terms used to define Korean shamanism include Pungwoldo (風月道, "way of effulgence"), used by the Confucian scholar Choe Chiwon between the 9th and the tenth century.[12] And Goshindo (고신도, 古神道; "way of the ancestral gods"), used in the context of the new religious movement of Daejongism which was founded in Seoul in 1909 past Na Cheol (나철, 1864-1916),[thirteen] and Shamanic associations in modernistic South Korea use the terms Shindo or Mushindo (무신도 "shamanic fashion of the spirits") to define their congregations or membership, and musogin ("people who do shamanism") to define the shamans.[two]

Names of the shamans [edit]

The Korean word 무 mu is related to the Chinese term 巫 wu,[14] which defines shamans of either sex, and probable besides to the Mongolic "Bo" and Tibetan "Bon". Already in records from the Yi dynasty, mudang has a prevalent usage.[fifteen] Mudang itself is explained in relation to Chinese characters, as originally referring to the "hall", 堂 tang, of a shaman.[15] A different etymology, however, explains mudang equally stemming directly from the Siberian term for female person shamans, utagan or utakan.[15]

Mudang is used generally, but not exclusively, for female shamans.[xv] Male person shamans are called by a diverseness of names, including sana mudang (literally "male mudang") in the Seoul area, or baksu mudang, also shortened baksu ("doctor", "healer"), in the Pyongyang area.[xv] Co-ordinate to some scholars, baksu is an ancient authentic designation of male shamans, and locutions like sana mudang or baksu mudang are recent coinages due to the prevalence of female shamans in recent centuries.[6] Baksu may be a Korean adaptation of terms loaned from Siberian languages, such every bit baksi, balsi or bahsih.[3]

The theory of an indigenous or Siberian origin of Korean shamanic terminology is more than reasonable than theories which explicate such terminology every bit originating in Chinese,[iii] given that Chinese culture influenced Korea simply at a relatively recent stage of Korean history.[3] Likely, when Koreans adopted Chinese characters they filtered their previously oral religious civilization through the sieve of Chinese culture.[3]

Types and roles of shamans [edit]

Mudang Oh Su-bok, mistress of the dodang-gut of Gyeonggi, property a service to placate the angry spirits of the expressionless.

Categories of mu [edit]

There are four basic categories of Korean shamans, referred to by the dominant local name for shamans.

The mudang-type shamans are traditionally found in northern Korea: the provinces of Hamgyong, Pyongan, Hwanghae, and northern Gyeonggi, including the capital of Seoul. They are initiated into shamanism by sinbyeong, an disease caused by a god inbound their bodies, and is cured only through initiation. They share their body with the soul of a specific deity, referred to as mom-ju ("lord of the trunk"). During shamanic rituals, they undergo trance possession and speak with the voice of the god beingness invoked.[16]

The dan'gol-type shamans are priests and non shamans in the strict sense. They are found in the southern and eastern provinces of Gangwon, Gyeongsang, Chungcheong, and Jeolla, although they are increasingly displaced by the dominance of Seoul-way shamanism in South korea. The dan'gol are hereditary, rather than beingness initiated past a supernatural experience. They take no supernatural powers, are not associated with their own gods, and do not undergo trance possession. They just worship a number of gods with a fixed set of rituals. Unlike mudang-type shamans, dan'gol-type shamans are associated with the gods of their specific community.[17]

The simbang-type shamans are institute but in Jeju Island, and combine features of the mudang and dan'gol types. Like the mudang, the simbang of Jeju are associated with a specific prepare of gods. But these gods practice not inhabit the shaman'southward body but are externalized in the grade of the mengdu, a set of sacred ritual implements in which the gods and spirits of dead shamans are embodied. The simbang 'south bones task is to understand the divine bulletin conveyed by their mengdu and to use the mengdu to worship the gods.[eighteen]

The myeongdu-blazon shamans co-occur with the dan'gol-blazon shamans. They are believed to be possessed by the spirits of dead children, and are able to divine the time to come simply do not participate in general rituals for the gods.[nineteen]

"Cocky-loss" and "divine light" experiences [edit]

Altar of a Sansingak, "Mountain God shrine". Mountain God shrines are often controlled by Buddhist temples. This i belongs to the Jeongsusa (Jeongsu Temple) of Ganghwa Island.

People who get shamans are believed to be "chosen" past gods or spirits through a spiritual experience known as shinbyeong ( 신병 (神病) ; "divine illness"), a form of ecstasy, which entails the possession from a god and a "cocky-loss". This state is said to manifest in symptoms of physical pain and psychosis. Believers assert that the physical and mental symptoms are non subject area to medical treatment, only are healed just when the possessed accepts a full communion with the spirit.[xx] [ failed verification ]

The illness is characterized by a loss of appetite, insomnia, visual and auditory hallucinations. The possessed and so undergoes the naerim-gut, a ritual which serves both to heal the sickness and to formally establish the person as a shaman.[21]

Korean shamans as well experience shinmyeong ( 신명 (神明) ; "divine lite"), which is the channeling of a god, during which the shaman speaks prophetically.[22] Shinmyeong is also experienced past entire communities during the gut hold by the shaman, and is a moment of energisation which relieves from social pressure, both concrete and mental.[23]

Korean shamanism origins, myths, relevance [edit]

Korean shamanism origin [edit]

Shamanism can be traced back to 1,000 BC.[24] The religion has been part of the culture of the Korean Peninsula since then. "Historically, Korean Shamanism (Musok) was an orally transmitted tradition that was mastered mainly by illiterate depression-ranking women within the neo-Confucian bureaucracy."[25] However, several records and texts have documented the origin of Korean Shamanism. One of these texts is Wei Shi which traces Shamanism to the third century.[26] Plain, the history of Korean Shamanism remains a mystery. Notwithstanding, foreign religions, including Christianity, Buddhism, Confucianism and Taoism accept influenced the evolution of Korean Shamanism.[27]

The development of Korean shamanism [edit]

The development of Korean Shamanism can be categorized into different groups. The showtime category involves simple transformation. In this transformation, the influence of the practices and behavior of other religions on Korean Shamanism was superficial.[28] The second category of manual was syncretistic. This category involves Shamanism being incorporated into the practices and beliefs of other cultures, including Confucianism, Christianity, Taoism, and Buddhism.[28] These religions had different levels of influence on Korean Shamanism. The third category involves the formation of new religions through the mixing of beliefs and practices of Shamanism with those of other dominant religions.[28]

The introduction of Christianity to the Korean Peninsula had detrimental furnishings on the development of Shamanism. For case, an English language paper identified as The Independent released an editorial on December 1896 that attacked acupuncture terming information technology an outrageous custom.[29] Some scholars have non been kind to Korean Shamanism too.  In his book review of Korean Shamanism: The Cultural Paradox, Kendall argues that Chongho Kim placed more accent on "the dark and dangerous side of shamanic practice and omits the powerful gods who unblock troubled fortunes…"[30] Things took a plow for the best in the previous century whereby Korea experienced a nationalist reappraisal as far every bit Shamanism is concerned. This revolution can be attributed to scholars such as Son Mentum-t'ae and Yi Niing-hwa.[31] These scholars have written positively most Korean Shamanism.

Myths about the origin of the shamans [edit]

Korean shamanic narratives include a number of myths that discuss the origins of shamans or the shamanic faith. These include, the Princess Bari myth, the Gongsim myth, and the Chogong bon-puri myth.

Princess Bari (바리 공주) [edit]

The Princess Bari narrative is found in all regions except Jeju.[32] Roughly one hundred versions of the myth have been transcribed by scholars equally of 2016, around half of those since 1997.[33] Equally of 1998, all known versions were sung just during gut rituals held for the deceased. Princess Bari is therefore a goddess closely associated with funeral rites.[34] Bari'south exact office varies according to the version, sometimes failing to become a deity at all, but she is normally identified every bit the patron goddess of shamans, the usher of the souls of the dead, or the goddess of the Large Dipper.[35]

Princess Bari belongings the bloom of resurrection. Painting for shamanic rituals, eighteenth century.

Despite the big number of versions, almost agree upon the basic story. The outset major episode shared by near all versions is the marriage of the king and queen. The queen gives birth to six sequent daughters who are treated luxuriously. When she is pregnant a seventh time, the queen has an auspicious dream. The majestic couple takes this every bit a sign that she is finally begetting a son and prepares the festivities. Unfortunately, the child is a girl.[36] [37] The disappointed male monarch orders the daughter to be thrown abroad, dubbing her Bari, from Korean 버리- beori- "to throw away."[a] [38] In some versions, she must be abased 2 or three times because she is protected by animals the outset and second times. The girl is then rescued past a figure such as the Buddha (who regrets upon seeing her that he cannot have a woman as his disciple), a mountain god, or a stork.[39]

In one case Bari has grown, one or both of her parents fall gravely ill. They learn that the disease tin only be cured through medicinal water from the Western Heaven. In the majority of versions, the king and queen ask their 6 older daughters to go fetch the water, but all of them refuse. Drastic, the male monarch and queen order Princess Bari to be found again. In other versions, the royal couple is told in a dream or a prophecy to find their daughter. In whatsoever case, Bari is brought to court. She agrees to go to the Western Heaven and departs, usually wearing the robes of a man.[40]

The details of Bari's quest differ according to the version.[41] In ane of the oldest recorded narratives, recited by a shaman from near Seoul in the 1930s, she meets the Buddha after having gone three m leagues. Seeing through her disguise and remarking that she is a adult female, the Buddha asks if she can truly go another three thousand leagues. When Bari responds that she will keep going fifty-fifty if she is to dice, he gives her a silk flower, which turns a vast ocean into land for her to cantankerous.[42] She and so liberates hundreds of millions of expressionless souls who are imprisoned in a towering fortress of thorns and steel.[43]

When Bari finally arrives at the site of the medicinal h2o, she finds information technology defended by a supernatural guardian (of varying nature) who also knows that she is a adult female, and obliges her to work for him and behave him sons. One time this is done―she may give birth to every bit many as twelve sons, depending on the version―she is allowed to return with the medicinal water and the flowers of resurrection. When she returns, she finds that her parents (or parent) have already died and that their funerals are being held. She interrupts the funeral procession, opens the coffin lids, and resurrects her parents with the flowers and cures them with the h2o.[44] In most versions, the princess and then attains divinity.[45]

Chogong bon-puri (초공 본 풀이) [edit]

The Chogong bon-puri is a shamanic narrative whose recitation forms the 10th ritual of the Bully Gut, the most sacred sequence of rituals in Jeju shamanism.[46] The Chogong bon-puri is the origin myth of Jeju shamanic religion every bit a whole, to the point that shamans honor the myth as the "root of the gods" and reply that "it was done that style in the Chogong bon-puri" when asked well-nigh the origin of a certain ritual.[47] It besides explains the origin of the mengdu, the sacred metal objects that are the source of a Jeju shaman'south authority.[46] As with most works of oral literature, multiple versions of the narrative exist.[48] The summary given below is based on the version recited by the high-ranking shaman An Sa-in (1912—1990).[49]

Shamanic ritual in Jeju Island. The modern rituals are said to be the aforementioned as the ones the triplets performed to resurrect Noga-danpung-agassi in the Chogong bon-puri.

Jimjin'guk and Imjeong'guk, a rich couple, are nearing fifty but still have no children. A Buddhist priest visits from the Hwanggeum Temple[b] and tells them to brand offerings in his temple for a hundred days. They do then, and a daughter is miraculously born. They name her Noga-danpung-agissi.[51] When the girl is fifteen, both of her parents leave temporarily. They imprison her behind two doors with 70-viii and forty-eight locks each and tell the family unit retainer to feed her through a hole, then that she cannot get out the house while they are absent-minded.[52]

The Buddhist priest of the Hwanggeum Temple learns of the great beauty of Noga-danpung-agissi and visits the house to ask for alms. When the girl points out that she cannot leave the firm, the priest takes out a bell and rings information technology three times, which breaks every lock. When she comes out wearing a veil of chastity, he strokes her head three times and leaves. Noga-danpung-agissi then becomes pregnant.[53] When her parents return, they make up one's mind to kill her to restore the family's honor. When the family servant insists that she be killed instead, the parents relent and decide to miscarry both instead. Her father gives Noga-danpung-agissi a golden fan as she leaves.[54]

The two decide to go to the Hwanggeum Temple, encountering diverse obstacles and crossing many foreign bridges on the mode. The servant explains the etymology of the bridges, connecting each proper noun to the process of Noga-danpung-agissi's expulsion from the family unit. They eventually reach the temple and meet the priest, who banishes her to the land of the goddess of childbirth. Alone there, she gives birth to triplets who tear out of her 2 armpits and her breasts.[c] Having bathed them in a brass tub, she names the three boys Sin-mengdu, Bon-mengdu, and Sara-salchuk Sam-mengdu.[55]

The family unit lives an impoverished life. At the age of eight, the 3 brothers get manservants of three g corrupt aristocrats who are preparing for the civil service examinations. Seven years later on, the aristocrats go to Seoul to laissez passer the examinations and take the triplets with them. The aristocrats exit the triplets stranded atop a pear tree on the manner, simply they are rescued by a local nobleman who is forewarned by a dream of dragons ensnared on the tree. They reach Seoul and are the just people to pass the examinations. Outraged, the aristocrats imprison Noga-danpung-agissi in the "palace of Indra of the three thousand heavens."[56] This is generally understood as a metaphor for the aristocrats killing her, with other versions explicitly mentioning a murder.[57]

The triplets visit their begetter, who makes them abandon their erstwhile lives and become shamans in order to save their mother. He asks his sons what they saw commencement when they came to the temple, and they reply that they saw heaven, earth, and the gate. The priest accordingly gives them the kickoff cheonmun, or divination discs, with the Chinese characters 天 "heaven", 地 "earth", and 門 "gate" inscribed. The triplets hold the showtime shamanic rituals as their father has ordered them to do, aided past Neosameneo-doryeong, the young god of shamanic music. The rituals successfully resurrect their mother. The triplets then summon a principal smith from the East Sea to forge the outset mengdu implements.[58] In some versions, this smith'south mengdu are unsound, and the triplets' father summons a celestial smith named Jeon'gyeongnok to forge proficient-quality mengdu.[59] In whatsoever case, the triplets store them in a palace where their mother and Neosameneo-doryeong will keep watch over them. They and then ascend into the afterlife to become divine judges of the dead, wielding the sacred shamanic knives that they will use to bring justice to the aristocrats.[58]

Some time later, the girl of a state councillor falls seriously ill every x years: at the age of vii, seventeen, twenty-7 and and then forth. At the age of seventy-seven, she realizes that she is sick with sinbyeong, a disease sent down by the gods and cured only by initiation into shamanism. Yet, there are no ritual devices that she can use. She goes to the palace where the ritual implements are kept and prays to the triplets, who give her the sacred objects necessary for the shamanic initiation rite.[60] The councilor'due south daughter is the first truly homo shaman, and her receiving the ritual objects represents the first generational transfer of shamanic cognition.[61]

Gongsim [edit]

Additional information on Myths [edit]

Ane of the common myths in Korean Shamanism is known as the Myth of Tangun.[62] This myth refers to the belief that God would come from heaven. This would upshot in the earth and heaven existence unified. God and man beings would exist unified every bit well. Korean Shamanism believes that the goddess mother of earth is married to the heavenly God.[62] The union resulted in the creation of a new creature identified as the son of God. Also, the union created a new world in the grade of a state.

The other myth pertains to the fable of Awhang-Kongchu, the girl of the Empower who ruled over People's republic of china between 2357 and 2255 B.C.[63] It is believed that the princess possessed unusual ability. She could pray and intercede on behalf of her state to avert catastrophes. Because of her power and fame, some people gradually started seeing her as an object of worship. They ended upward erecting many altars and dedicating them to her.

Relevance [edit]

Religion plays a crucial role in the development of a country's culture. Shamanism played a key role in the development of Korea. Shamanism forms the nucleus of Korean civilization.[64] The religion regulates the fortunes of man and nature. Shamanism is considered to exist a cultural symbol that forms the foundation of the heritage and root of the Korean people.[65] The religion is considered to be the underlying force behind the survival of Korean society over the years.

Practices [edit]

A famous mudang holding a five-days long gut in rural South Korea in 2007.

Gut rites (굿) [edit]

The gut or kut are the rites performed past Korean shamans, involving offerings and sacrifices to gods and ancestors.[66] They are characterised by rhythmic movements, songs, oracles and prayers.[67] These rites are meant to create welfare, promoting commitment between the spirits and humankind.[66]

Through vocal and dance, the shaman begs the gods to arbitrate in the fortune of humans. The shaman wears a very colourful costume and normally speaks in ecstasy. During a rite, the shaman changes his or her costume several times. Rituals consist of various phases, chosen gori.[68]

There are different types of gut, which vary from region to region.[20]

Purification (정화, 부정 풀이, 부정 치기) [edit]

Purity of both the body and the mind is a land that is required for taking function in rituals.[69] Purification is considered necessary for an efficacious communion between living people and ancestral forms.[69] Before whatsoever gut is performed, the altar is always purified past fire and water, as part of the first gori of the ritual itself.[69] The colour white, extensively used in rituals, is regarded as a symbol of purity.[69] The purification of the trunk is performed by called-for white paper.[69]

History [edit]

The delineation of a mudang performing at a gut in the painting entitled Munyeo sinmu ( 무녀신무 , 巫女神舞 ), fabricated by Shin Yunbok in the late Joseon (1805).

Korean shamanism goes back to prehistoric times, pre-dating the introduction of Buddhism and Confucianism, and the influence of Taoism, in Korea.[seventy] It is similar to Chinese Wuism.[lxx] Vestiges of temples defended to gods and spirits have been plant on tops and slopes of many mountains in the peninsula.[70]

Although many Koreans converted to Buddhism when it was introduced to the peninsula in the 4th century, and adopted as the state religion in Silla and Goryeo, it remained a minor organized religion compared to Korean shamanism.[71]

Since the 15th century, in the state of Joseon, things inverse with the adoption of Neo-Confucianism as the land religion.[72] Non-Confucian religions were suppressed and Korean shamanism started to exist regarded equally a astern relic of the past.[72] In the belatedly 19th and 20th century, a series of circumstances, namely the influence of Christian missionaries and the disruption of club caused by modernisation, contributed to a further weakening of Korean shamanism, ultimately paving the manner for a significant growth of Christianity.[73] [71]

In the 1890s, when the Joseon dynasty was collapsing, Protestant missionaries gained pregnant influence through the press, leading a demonisation of Korean traditional religion and even campaigns of violent suppression of local cults.[74] Protestant demonisation would accept had a long-lasting influence on all subsequent movements which promoted a consummate elimination of Korean shamanism.[74]

During the Japanese dominion over Korea, the Japanese tried to incorporate Korean shamanism inside, or supplant information technology with, State Shinto.[75] [76] For a short menses in the 1940s, yet, after the defeat of the Japanese, Korean shamanism was identified as the pure Korean national essence.[77]

The situation of Korean shamanism worsened after the sectionalisation of Korea and the establishment of a northern Socialist authorities and a southern pro-Christian regime.[78] S Korean anti-superstition policies in the 1970s and 80s forbade traditional religion and wiped out all ancestral shrines.[79] These policies were particularly tough under the dominion of Park Chung-hee.[76] In Due north Korea, all shamans and their families were targeted as members of the "hostile class" and were considered to have bad songbun, "tainted blood".[80]

In contempo decades, Korean shamanism has experienced a resurgence in South korea,[81] while in Democratic people's republic of korea, co-ordinate to demographic analyses, approximately 16% of the population practises some form of traditional ethnic religion or shamanism.[82]

Branchings [edit]

Since the early 19th century, a number of movements of revitalisation or innovation of traditional Korean shamanism arose. They are characterised by an organised structure, a codified doctrine, and a trunk of scriptural texts. They may exist grouped into three major families: the family unit of Daejongism or Dangunism, the Donghak-originated movements (including Cheondoism and Suunism), and the family of Jeungsanism (including Jeungsando, Daesun Jinrihoe, the now-extinct Bocheonism, and many other sects).[83]

Temples [edit]

A shamanic shrine in Ansan, South korea. On the left window information technology shows a manja, which in Republic of korea denotes a shamanic facility.

Unlike Cathay, Japan, Vietnam or Taiwan, Korean folk temples aren't commonly constitute in cities, but villages, mountains and farmland. Neo-Confucianism in Joseon was the near exclusive and separatist didactics among the East Asian teachings. Additionally information technology did not corroborate of the supernatural power or the spirits/ghosts, and so it was a fatal blow to shamanism. The teachings of Confucianism strongly emphasised rationality; for the Confucian scholars shamanism was merely a vulgar thing, and they wanted to be rid of it equally rapidly as possible. Consequently the shamans were degraded to the lowest course, and for them entry to the cities was banned. Thus shamanism became a religion for the lower class of peasants, especially for women.

When Buddhism was introduced in Korea, its temples were built on or near the shaman mountain-spirit shrines. Withal today, one can see buildings at these Buddhist temple sites dedicated to the shaman mountain-spirits Sansin (Korean: 산신). Virtually buddhist temples in Korea have a Sansin-gak (Korean: 산신각), the selection of preference over other shrines, typically a modest shrine room set behind and to the side of the other buildings. Information technology is also common for the sansingak to be at a higher superlative than the other shrine rooms, only as the mountain itself towers higher up the temple complex. The sansin-gak maybe a traditional wooden structure with a tile roof, or in more modern and less wealth temples, a more than uncomplicated and utilitarian room. Inside will be a waist height shrine with either a statue and mural painting, or merely a mural painting. Offerings of candles, incense, water and fruit are normally supplemented with alcoholic drinks, particularly Korea's rustic rice wine makkgoli. This further serves to illustrate the not-Buddhist nature of this deity, even when he resides inside a temple. And yet, on the floor of this small shine room one will frequently run across a monk's cushion and moktak: prove of the regular Buddhist ceremonies held there. Sansin may not be enshrined in a dissever shrine, but in a Samseonggak or in the Buddha hall, to one side of the main shrine. Sansin shrines tin can also exist found independent of Buddhist temples.

At that place are shamanic temples dotted around Seoul, mayhap one or two. Only most of the time, they operate out of commercial temples chosen gutdang (Korean: 굿당). A shaman will rent a room for the day, and customers meet her in that location to carry out the ritual. There could exist 5 rituals going at the same time in this edifice, the shamans go where the clients are. There are over 400 shrines on the rural island of Jeju which the people there have worshipped for centuries, information technology is the highest concentration in Korea taking into account the Island's pocket-size population. The fact that the local Buddhist tradition had gone nearly extinct nether persecution by the Neo-Confucian Joseon state, and so that in that location remained very few goldfish monks.[84] [85] [86]

The Korean folk faith was suppressed in different times and this led to a declining number of shrines. The destruction, neglect, or dilapidation of shamanic shrines was particularly extensive in the movement Misin tapa undong ("to defeat the worship of gods"). However, the 1970s and 1980s saw the virtually zealous anti-religion campaign and destruction of Korean shrines with the Saemaul Undong (Korean: 새마을 운동).[87] [88] In recent years there accept been cases of reconstruction of shrines and resumption of rites in some villages.[89]

See as well [edit]

  • Korean sociology
  • Korean traditional festivals
  • Jongmyo jerye
  • Organized religion in Korea
  • Taoism in Korea

Footnotes [edit]

  1. ^ Other terms include tangol or tangur (당골; used in southern Korea for hereditary shamans) and mansin (used in key Korea, the Seoul area, and northern Korea).[v] The word mudang is by and large associated, though not exclusively, to female person shamans due to their prevalence in recent history. This prevalence of women has led to the development of new locutions to refer to male shamans, including sana mudang (literally "male mudang") in the Seoul area or baksu mudang ("healer mudang"), shortened baksu, in the Pyongyang area. Information technology is reasonable to believe that the word baksu is an ancient accurate designation for male shamans.[6]

References [edit]

  1. ^ a b 무교. Educational Terminology Dictionary (in Korean). 29 June 1995. Retrieved 2018-03-22 .
  2. ^ a b Kendall (2010), p. x.
  3. ^ a b c d e f Lee (1981), p. 4.
  4. ^ Kim (1998).
  5. ^ Kendall (2010), p. ix.
  6. ^ a b Lee (1981), pp. iii–iv.
  7. ^ Lee (1981), p. 5.
  8. ^ Choi (2006), p. 21.
  9. ^ Lee (1981), pp. 5, 17–18.
  10. ^ Lee (1981), pp. 5–12.
  11. ^ Kim, Andrew East. (1 July 2000). "Korean Religious Culture and Its Affinity to Christianity: The Rising of Protestant Christianity in South korea". Sociology of Faith. 61 (two): 117–133. doi:x.2307/3712281. JSTOR 3712281.
  12. ^ Lee (2010s), p. 14.
  13. ^ Lee (2010s), p. 12.
  14. ^ Lee (1981), pp. three–5.
  15. ^ a b c d e Lee (1981), p. 3.
  16. ^ Kim T. (1996), pp. 11–12.
  17. ^ Kim T. (1996), p. thirteen.
  18. ^ Kim T. (1996), pp. 13–fifteen.
  19. ^ Kim T. (1996), p. 15.
  20. ^ a b "Well-nigh Korean shamanism and shamanistic rituals".
  21. ^ Kim (1998), pp. 42–43.
  22. ^ Kim (2005), pp. 9–10, annotation x.
  23. ^ Kim (2005), pp. 53–54.
  24. ^ Chačatrjan (2015). "AN INVESTIGATION ON THE HISTORY AND Structure OF KOREAN SHAMANISM | International Periodical of Korean Humanities and Social Sciences". International Journal of Korean Humanities and Social Sciences. 59: 8.
  25. ^ Sarfati, Liora (2016). "Shifting Agencies through New Media: New Social Statuses for Female South Korean Shamans". Journal of Korean Studies. 21 (1): 179–211. doi:10.1353/jks.2016.0009. ISSN 2158-1665. S2CID 148559163.
  26. ^ Chačatrjan (2015). "AN INVESTIGATION ON THE HISTORY AND STRUCTURE OF KOREAN SHAMANISM | International Periodical of Korean Humanities and Social Sciences". International Journal of Korean Humanities and Social Sciences. 59: 9.
  27. ^ Chačatrjan (2015). "AN INVESTIGATION ON THE HISTORY AND STRUCTURE OF KOREAN SHAMANISM | International Journal of Korean Humanities and Social Sciences". International Periodical of Korean Humanities and Social Sciences. 59: 10.
  28. ^ a b c Chačatrjan (2015). "AN INVESTIGATION ON THE HISTORY AND STRUCTURE OF KOREAN SHAMANISM | International Periodical of Korean Humanities and Social Sciences". International Journal of Korean Humanities and Social Sciences. 59: 59.
  29. ^ Walraven, Boudewijn (1993-09-05). "Our Shamanistic Past: The Korean Government, Shamans and Shamanism". The Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies. 8. doi:10.22439/cjas.v8i1.1819. ISSN 2246-2163.
  30. ^ Walraven, Boudewijn (1993-09-05). "Our Shamanistic Past: The Korean Authorities, Shamans and Shamanism". The Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies. 8: 10. doi:ten.22439/cjas.v8i1.1819. ISSN 2246-2163.
  31. ^ Kendall, Laurel (2003). "Korean Shamanism: The Cultural Paradox (review)". Korean Studies. 27 (one): 144–146. doi:x.1353/ks.2005.0007. ISSN 1529-1529. S2CID 161251965.
  32. ^ Hong T. (2002), p. 25.
  33. ^ Hong T. (2016b), p. 21.
  34. ^ Hong T. (2016b), pp. 143–145.
  35. ^ Hong T. (2016b), p. 59.
  36. ^ Seo D. & Park G. (1996), pp. 227–228.
  37. ^ Hong T. (2016b), pp. 33–36.
  38. ^ Seo D. & Park 1000. (1996), pp. 228–230.
  39. ^ Hong T. (2016b), pp. 37–42.
  40. ^ Hong T. (2016b), pp. 43–47.
  41. ^ Hong T. (2016b), pp. 47–51.
  42. ^ Seo D. & Park G. (1996), pp. 239–241.
  43. ^ Seo D. & Park G. (1996), pp. 241–242.
  44. ^ Hong T. (2016b), pp. 52–57.
  45. ^ Hong T. (2016b), pp. 58–59.
  46. ^ a b Kang J. (2015), pp. 154–156.
  47. ^ "신뿌리"; <초공본풀이>에서 그러했기 때문이라는 답" Shin Y. (2017), p. 228
  48. ^ Kang Southward. (2012), p. 30.
  49. ^ Kang J. (2015), p. 15.
  50. ^ Seo D. (2001), pp. 262–264.
  51. ^ Hyun Y. & Hyun S. (1996), pp. 40–47.
  52. ^ Hyun Y. & Hyun Due south. (1996), pp. 47–49.
  53. ^ Hyun Y. & Hyun S. (1996), pp. 49–53.
  54. ^ Hyun Y. & Hyun South. (1996), pp. 53–59.
  55. ^ Hyun Y. & Hyun S. (1996), pp. 59–65.
  56. ^ "삼천천제석궁" Hyun Y. & Hyun S. (1996), pp. 65–73
  57. ^ Shin Y. (2017), p. 14.
  58. ^ a b Hyun Y. & Hyun S. (1996), pp. 73–79.
  59. ^ Kang S. (2012), pp. 125–126.
  60. ^ Hyun Y. & Hyun S. (1996), pp. 79–81.
  61. ^ Kang South. (2012), pp. 103–104.
  62. ^ a b Chačatrjan (2015). "AN INVESTIGATION ON THE HISTORY AND STRUCTURE OF KOREAN SHAMANISM | International Periodical of Korean Humanities and Social Sciences". International Journal of Korean Humanities and Social Sciences. 59: 57.
  63. ^ Dean., Owens, Donald (1995). Korean shamanism : its components, context and functions. UMI. OCLC 277251194.
  64. ^ Chačatrjan (2015). "AN INVESTIGATION ON THE HISTORY AND STRUCTURE OF KOREAN SHAMANISM | International Periodical of Korean Humanities and Social Sciences". International Journal of Korean Humanities and Social Sciences. 59: 56–57.
  65. ^ Walraven, Boudewijn (1993-09-05). "Our Shamanistic Past: The Korean Government, Shamans and Shamanism". The Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies. 8: 5. doi:10.22439/cjas.v8i1.1819. ISSN 2246-2163.
  66. ^ a b Lee (1981), p. 27.
  67. ^ Lee (1981), p. 40.
  68. ^ Lee (1981), p. 31.
  69. ^ a b c d e Lee (1981), p. 38.
  70. ^ a b c Lee (1981), p. 21.
  71. ^ a b Pyong Gap Min (2010). Preserving Ethnicity Through Religion in America: Korean Protestants and Indian Hindus Across Generations. New York University Printing. ISBN978-0814796153. p. 44.
  72. ^ a b Choi (2006), p. 15.
  73. ^ Kim, Andrew East. (October 2001). "Political Insecurity, Social Chaos, Religious Void and the Ascent of Protestantism in Late Nineteenth-Century Korea". Social History. 26 (iii): 267–281. doi:10.1080/03071020110070864. JSTOR 4286798. S2CID 143980253.
  74. ^ a b Kendall (2010), pp. 4–7.
  75. ^ Sorensen (1995), pp. 11–22.
  76. ^ a b Choi (2006), p. 17.
  77. ^ Sorensen (1995), p. 23.
  78. ^ Sorensen (1995), pp. 24–27.
  79. ^ Kendall (2010), p. 10.
  80. ^ Demick, Barbara (2009). Nil to Envy: Ordinary Lives in North Korea . Spiegel & Grau. ISBN978-0385523905.
  81. ^ Choi (2006), pp. 17–nineteen.
  82. ^ "Country Contour: Korea, North (Democratic people's republic of korea)". Religious Intelligence U.k.. Archived from the original on 13 October 2007.
  83. ^ Lee (2010s), passim.
  84. ^ Kendall, Laurel; Yang, Chong-sŭng; Yun, Yŏl-su (2016). God pictures in Korean contexts: the ownership and meaning of shaman paintings. doi:10.21313/hawaii/9780824847647.001.0001. ISBN978-0-8248-6833-viii. OCLC 986613847.
  85. ^ KIM, CHONGHO (2019). KOREAN SHAMANISM: the cultural paradox. Due south.50.: ROUTLEDGE. ISBN978-1-138-71050-4. OCLC 1162401696.
  86. ^ Guisso, Richard Due west. I (1998). Shamanism: the spirit earth of Korea. Berkeley: Asian Humanities Printing. ISBN978-0-89581-886-vii. OCLC 716886433.
  87. ^ Kendall, Laurel (2009). Shamans, nostalgias, and the IMF: South Korean pop faith in motility. ISBN978-0-8248-7057-7. OCLC 986581907.
  88. ^ Connor, Linda H; Samuel, Geoffrey (2001). Healing Powers and Modernity: Traditional Medicine, Shamanism, and Scientific discipline in Asian Societies. Portsmouth; Santa Barbara: Bergin & Garvey Banner; Greenwood Publishing Group, Incorporated; ABC-CLIO, Incorporated Distributor. ISBN978-0-89789-715-0. OCLC 760697016.
  89. ^ Kwon, Heonik (15 June 2009). "Healing the Wounds of War: New Ancestral Shrines in Korea" (PDF). The Asia-Pacific Journal. 7 (24/iv).

Notes [edit]

  1. ^ Or 바리데기 Bari-degi "thrown-away infant"
  2. ^ 황금 hwanggeum is generally considered a corruption of the archaic Eye Korean phrase han kem ( 한 ᄀᆞᆷ ) "the Dandy God", and the priest would thus originally have been an indigenous Korean god and not a Buddhist priest.[50]
  3. ^ The eldest is born from the correct armpit on the eighth twenty-four hour period of the ninth lunisolar calendar month; the middle, from the left armpit on the eighteenth twenty-four hours of the same calendar month; the youngest, from her breasts on the twenty-eighth twenty-four hours.

Bibliography [edit]

  • Choi, Joon-sik (2006). Folk-Religion: The Customs in Korea. Ewha Womans University Press. ISBN8973006282.
  • 홍태한 (Hong Tae-han) (2002). Han'guk seosa muga yeon'gu 한국 서사무가 연구 [Studies on Korean Shamanic Narratives]. Seoul: Minsogwon. ISBN89-5638-053-eight. Anthology of prior papers. {{cite book}}: CS1 maint: postscript (link)
  • —————————— (2016). Han'guk seosa muga-ui yuhyeong-byeol jonjae yangsang-gwa yeonhaeng wolli 한국 서사무가의 유형별 존재양상과 연행원리 [Forms per type and principles of performances in Korean shamanic narratives]. Seoul: Minsogwon. ISBN978-89-285-0881-5. Album of prior papers. {{cite book}}: CS1 maint: postscript (link)
  • 현용준 (Hyun Yong-jun); 현승환 (Hyun Seung-hwan) (1996). Jeju-exercise muga 제주도 무가 [Shamanic hymns of Jeju Island]. Han'guk gojeon munhak jeonjip. Research Establish of Korean Studies, Korea University.
  • 강소전 (Kang Then-jeon) (2012). Jeju-practise simbang-ui mengdu yeon'gu: Giwon, jeonseung, uirye-reul jungsim-euro 제주도 심방의 멩두 연구—기원,전승,의례를 중심으로- [Study on the mengdu of Jeju shamans: Origins, transfer, ritual] (PhD). Cheju National University.
  • 강정식 (Kang Jeong-sik) (2015). Jeju Gut Ihae-ui Giljabi 제주굿 이해의 길잡이 [A Primer to Understanding the Jeju Gut ]. Jeju-hak Chongseo. Minsogwon. ISBN9788928508150 . Retrieved July 11, 2020.
  • Kim, Hae-Kyung Serena (2005). Sciamanesimo due east Chiesa in Corea: per un processo di evangelizzazione inculturata (in Italian). Gregorian Biblical BookShop. ISBN8878390259.
  • Kim, Tae-kon (1998). Korean Shamanism—Muism. Jimoondang Publishing Company. ISBN898809509X.
  • 김태곤 (1996). 한국의 무속. Daewonsa. ISBN978-89-5653-907-2.
  • Kendall, Laurel (2010). Shamans, Nostalgias, and the Imf: Southward Korean Popular Religion in Motility. University of Hawaii Press. ISBN978-0824833985.
  • Korean Cultural Service (1998). "Korean Culture" (19).
  • Korean Cultural Service (1992). "Korean Culture" (12–13).
  • Lee, Chi-ran (2010s). "The Emergence of National Religions in Korea" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 13 April 2014.
  • Lee, Jung Young (1981). Korean Shamanistic Rituals. Mouton De Gruyter. ISBN9027933782.
  • 서대석 (Seo Daeseok) (2001). Han'guk sinhwa-ui yeon'gu 한국 신화의 연구 [Studies on Korean Mythology]. Seoul: Jibmundang. ISBN89-303-0820-1 . Retrieved June 23, 2020. Anthology of Seo's papers from the 1980s and 1990s. {{cite book}}: CS1 maint: postscript (link)
  • 서대석 (Seo Daeseok); 박경신 (Park Gyeong-sin) (1996). Seosa muga il 서사무가 1 [Narrative shaman hymns, Book I]. Han'guk gojeon munhak jeonjip. Enquiry Constitute of Korean Studies, Korea University.
  • 신연우 (Shin Yeon-woo) (2017). Jeju-practice seosa muga Chogong bon-puri-ui sinhwa-seong-gwa munhak-seong 제주도 서사무가 <초공본풀이>의 신화성과 문학성 [The Mythological and Literary Nature of the Jeju Shamanic Narrative Chogong bon-puri ]. Seoul: Minsogwon. ISBN978-89-285-1036-8.
  • Sorensen, Clark Due west. (July 1995). The Political Message of Folklore in South korea's Educatee Demonstrations of the Eighties: An Arroyo to the Analysis of Political Theater. 50 Years of Korean Independence. Seoul, Korea: Korean Political Science Clan.
  • Yunesŭk'o Han'guk Wiwŏnhoe (1985). "Korea Journal". Korean National Committee for UNESCO.

Further reading [edit]

  • Keith Howard (Hrsg.): Korean Shamanism. Revival, survivals and change. The Regal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, Seoul Press, Seoul 1998.
  • Dong Kyu Kim: Looping effects between images and realities: agreement the plurality of Korean shamanism. The University of British Columbia, 2012.
  • Laurel Kendall: Shamans, Nostalgias, and the IMF: Due south Korean Popular Religion in Motility. University of Hawaii Printing, Honolulu 2010, ISBN 0824833988.
  • Laurel Kendall: Shamans, housewives and other restless spirits. Woman in Korean ritual life (= Studies of the East Asien Plant.). University of Hawaii Printing, Honolulu 1985.
  • Kwang-Ok Kim: Rituals of resistance. The manipulation of shamanism in contemporary Korea. In: Charles F. Keyes; Laurel Kendall; Helen Hardacre (Hrsg.): Asian visions of authorisation. Organized religion and the mod states of Due east and Southeast Asia. Academy of Hawaii Press, Honolulu 1994, S. 195–219.
  • Hogarth, Hyun-primal Kim (1998). Kut: Happyness Through Reciprocity. Bibliotheca shamanistica. Vol. vii. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó. ISBN9630575450. ISSN 1218-988X.
  • Daniel Kister: Korean shamanist ritual. Symbols and dramas of transformation. Akadémiai Kiadó, Budapest 1997.
  • Dirk Schlottmann: Cyber Shamanism in South Korea. Online Publication: Institut of Cyber Society. Kyung Hee Cyber University, Seoul 2014.
  • Dirk Schlottmann Spirit Possession in Korean Shaman rituals of the Hwanghaedo-Tradition.In: Journal for the Study of Religious Experiences. Vol.4 No.2. The Religious Experience Research Center (RERC) at the Academy of Wales Trinity Saint David, Wales 2018.
  • Dirk Schlottmann Dealing with Incertitude: "Hell Joseon" and the Korean Shaman rituals for happiness and against misfortune. In: Shaman – Journal of the International Society for Academic Research on Shamanism. Vol. 27. no 1 & two, p. 65–95. Budapest: Molnar & Kelemen Oriental Publishers 2019.

mitchellcolon1982.blogspot.com

Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Korean_shamanism

0 Response to "This Is a Means by Which Shamans or Mediums "Read" the Wishes of the Ancestors or Spirits:"

Post a Comment

Subscribe to: Post Comments (Atom)

Iklan Atas Artikel

Iklan Tengah Artikel 1

Iklan Tengah Artikel 2

Iklan Bawah Artikel